A look back at a feature in TelQuel No. 124 , April 24-30, 2004.

From left to right, top to bottom: Mohamed Kabbaj, Abdelhadi Boutaleb, Abdellatif Jouahri, Mohamed Karim-Lamrani, Allal El Fassi, Mohamed Guessous, Saâd Kettani, Mohamed Berrada and Othman Benjelloun.

John Waterbury, one of the few specialists to have dissected the Moroccan socio-political system, defines the Fassis (people from Fez, editor’s note) as « the model of the urban elite, which has preserved its traditions, alliances and gains, even when it has moved to another city (Casablanca at first and the diaspora later, editor’s note) ».

The key to this longevity? According to Roger Le Tourneau, « the Arab brought his nobility, the Andalusian his refinement, the Kairouanese his dexterity, the Jew his astuteness and the Berber his tenacity ». Then there’s the mix of social categories. There’s talk of a triptych between wealthy merchants, respected scholars and revered charifs.

Three origins, three strategies

Until the 18th century, a Fassi notable was recognized by his membership of one of the three distinct groups that cohabited in the medina: chorfas, Andalusians and beldyin.

• The chorfas, descendants of the conquerors and the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, Ali, grew rich without hindrance and even enjoyed privileges. Behaving like nobles by blood, they also acted for the good of the community.
• The Andalusians, who were driven out by the Reconquista and whose last arrivals date back to 1666, pride themselves on their nisba (Arab origin, somewhat less sanctified than that of the chorfas), and owe their social ascent to knowledge and trade. In Al-Qaraouiyine, many had a clerical career. Literate families such as Bensouda and Belhaj were co-opted uninterruptedly from 1600 to 1900. Other Andalusians, such as the Tazi, Bennis and Benjelloun families, made their fortunes through the pilgrimage caravan.
• The third group, the one that had the hardest time gaining acceptance until 1750, is known by the double label of « beldyin » and « islamyin ». These were Jews who converted to Islam in the 15th century, largely under pressure from the Almohads. After suffering discrimination and animosity from the chorfas, they became great merchants, international negotiators and scholars.

Until then, social rank was not power. Rather, it was the network built up by alliances between families, combining their financial resources, land and connections.

Borders transformed

On the eve of the 20th century, the boundaries between these different groups no longer existed. The distinction was now between two main categories. The first group (Jamaï, El Mokri, Benslimane, Bensouda, El Fassi, etc.) were close to the State, with generations of experience in prominent administrative positions (grand viziers, finance ministers, etc.). The second group (Benjelloun, Tazi, Lazrak, Lahlou, Berrada, Sqalli, etc.), more of traders, swear by the business they’ve been doing since 1830, from Casablanca to Manchester, India and elsewhere.

The secret of why the Fassis remained the country’s leading elite until the mid-1980s is primarily economic, because their rise to prominence was exponential and favored by those in power. Under the protectorate, for example, some families expanded their fortunes in the agri-food and transport industries, according to Waterbury.

Certainly, the international networks forged by the Fassis, the trust they enjoyed abroad and their spatial mobility (as soon as they felt cramped in Fez, they abandoned it) gave them several intrinsic advantages. But the government’s helping hand was undeniable, reinforced by three concomitant factors that suited the Palace. An elitist education, a makhzenized nationalist party (the Istiqlal, called the « party of the Fassis » by the Mouvement Populaire, which enjoyed favors in the early years of independence) and a deep-rooted family conservatism.

Since the mid-1980s, the Fassi exception is no longer the case. Firstly, the social elevator was no longer out of order, and the Makhzen decided to diversify its ruling elite. Today, banking and high finance are the only sectors where the Fassi nomenclature is still predominant.

Some major families